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Anti-union violence may take the form of bullying of or aggression against union organizers or sympathizers in the workplace, or outside the workplace. It may happen at the instigation of management, may be committed by agents hired or recruited by management, by government bodies or others sympathetic to management's aims, or as a response to violent striking workers. Anti-union violence may occur with specific goals in mind, such as influencing a vote on unionization, eliminating an existing union, or in connection with a labor dispute or strike. Violence against unions may be isolated, or may occur as part of a campaign that includes spying, intimidation, impersonation, disinformation, and sabotage.〔Robert Michael Smith, From Blackjacks To Briefcases — A History of Commercialized Strikebreaking and Unionbusting in the United States, 2003, p. 87〕 Violence in labor disputes may be the result of unreasonable polarization, or miscalculation. It may be willful and provoked, or senseless and tragic. On some occasions, violence in labor disputes may be purposeful and calculated,〔Robert Hunter, Violence and the labor movement, Macmillan, 1914 (1919 version), page 318〕 for example the hiring and deployment of goon squads to intimidate, threaten or even assault strikers. Historically, labor spying upon workers has been widespread, and is closely connected to violence.〔Richard C. Cabot, Introduction, The Labor Spy--A Survey of Industrial Espionage, by Sidney Howard and Robert Dunn, Under the Auspices of the Cabot Fund for Industrial Research, published in the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen's Magazine, Volume 71, Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, 1921, page 31〕 Labor spying creates intense bitterness among workers,〔Richard C. Cabot, Introduction, The Labor Spy--A Survey of Industrial Espionage, by Sidney Howard and Robert Dunn, Under the Auspices of the Cabot Fund for Industrial Research, published in the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen's Magazine, Volume 71, Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, 1921, page 31〕 and the sudden exposure of labor spies has driven workers "to violence and unreason", resulting directly in at least one shooting war.〔Advocate, Volumes 28-29, Richard C. Cabot, Introduction, The Labor Spy--A Survey of Industrial Espionage, by Sidney Howard and Robert Dunn, Under the Auspices of the Cabot Fund for Industrial Research, published by the Retail Clerks International Association, 1921, page 10〕〔Robert Michael Smith, From Blackjacks To Briefcases — A History of Commercialized Strikebreaking and Unionbusting in the United States, 2003, pages 78-79〕 Incidents of violence during periods of labor unrest are sometimes perceived differently by different parties. It is sometimes a challenge to ascertain the truth about labor-related violence, and incidents of violence committed by, or in the name of, unions or union workers have occurred as well. == History == In the book ''Violence and the Labor Movement'', Robert Hunter observed that workers have every reason to discourage violence, because "every time property is destroyed, or men injured, the employers win public support, the aid of the press, the pulpit, the police, the courts, and all the powers of the State. () do not knowingly injure themselves or persist in a course adverse to their material interests."〔Robert Hunter, Violence and the labor movement, Macmillan, 1914 (1919 version), page 317〕 Yet labor-related violence has been common throughout history. Hunter believed that violence during a strike benefits the employer, in that they are able to characterize workers negatively. Writing in 1914, Hunter stated that some employers give vague instructions to their agents to "create trouble", and that there is evidence that some employers directly instruct "incendiaries, thugs, and rioters."〔Robert Hunter, Violence and the labor movement, Macmillan, 1914 (1919 version), page 318〕 With insurance to cover losses, Robert Hunter maintained, damage to property generally helps employers, and cannot hurt them.〔Robert Hunter, Violence and the labor movement, Macmillan, 1914 (1919 version), page 318-319〕 Hunter summarized, "If the workers can be discredited and the strike broken through the aid of violence, the ordinary employer is not likely to make too rigid an investigation into whether or not his 'detectives' had a hand in it."〔Robert Hunter, Violence and the labor movement, Macmillan, 1914 (1919 version), page 318-319〕 We can identify specific examples of such circumstances, such as U.S. Senate testimony in 1936 about an employer who wanted to contract with the Pinkerton agency. Known personally to the author of the book ''The Pinkerton Story'', this employer was characterized as a "sincerely upright and Godly man." Yet Pinkerton files record that the employer wanted the agency "to send in some thugs who could beat up the strikers."〔The Pinkerton Story, James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, 1951, p. 238.〕 In 1936, the Pinkerton agency changed its focus from strike-breaking to undercover services.〔Robert Michael Smith, From Blackjacks To Briefcases — A History of Commercialized Strikebreaking and Unionbusting in the United States, 2003, p. 75, quoting ''Strikebreaking Services'', p. 25.〕 Pinkerton declined the request from this employer.〔The Pinkerton Story, James D. Horan and Howard Swiggett, 1951, p. 238.〕 The argument that violence benefits employers is not just theoretical, it has frequently played out in a very specific manner. For example, mine owners have used violence as an excuse to demand intervention by state police, the national guard, or even the United States army.〔Robert Michael Smith, From Blackjacks To Briefcases — A History of Commercialized Strikebreaking and Unionbusting in the United States, 2003, p. 79.〕〔(US Army reference) Anthony Lukas, Big Trouble, 1997, page 144.〕〔Clayton D. Laurie, The United States Army and the Return to Normalcy in Labor Dispute Interventions: The Case of the West Virginia Coal Mine Wars, 1920-1921, 1991, pp. 1-24 http://www.wvculture.org/history/journal_wvh/wvh50-1.html retrieved April 3, 2011〕 Such forces become an occupying army in a strike zone, thereby creating a protective shield for strike-breakers hired by the struck company in order to replace strikers. However, attacks on workers or their leaders could also backfire. "Rather than rendering workers docile, acts of violence frequently led to greater militancy and allegiance to () leaders."〔Warren R. Van Tine, Warren R. Vantine, Making of the Labor Bureaucrat: Union Leadership in the United States, 1870-1920, Univ of Massachusetts Press, 1973, page 165〕 Historically, violence against unions has included attacks by detective and guard agencies, such as the Pinkertons, Baldwin Felts, Burns, or Thiel detective agencies; citizens groups, such as the Citizens' Alliance; company guards; police; national guard; or even the military. In particular, there are few curbs on what detective agencies are able to get away with.〔Robert Michael Smith, From Blackjacks To Briefcases — A History of Commercialized Strikebreaking and Unionbusting in the United States, 2003, p. 12.〕 In the book ''From Blackjacks To Briefcases'', Robert Michael Smith states that during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, anti-union agencies spawned violence and wreaked havoc on the labor movement.〔Robert Michael Smith, From Blackjacks To Briefcases — A History of Commercialized Strikebreaking and Unionbusting in the United States, 2003, p. xvi.〕 One investigator who participated in a congressional inquiry into industrial violence in 1916 concluded that,
According to Morris Friedman, detective agencies were themselves for-profit companies, and a "bitter struggle" between capital and labor could be counted upon to create "satisfaction and immense profit" for agencies such as the Pinkerton company.〔The Pinkerton Labor Spy, Morris Friedman, Wilshire Book Company, 1907, pp. 21–22.〕 Such agencies were in the perfect position to fan suspicion and mistrust "into flames of blind and furious hatred" on the part of the companies.〔The Pinkerton Labor Spy, Morris Friedman, Wilshire Book Company, 1907, pp. 21–22.〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Anti-union violence」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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